Wednesday, January 31, 2007
North Korean Refugees
As of January 30, the Commission to help North Korean Refugees reports that there are at least 10,113 North Korean defectors living in South Korea. Haven't heard about the North Korean refugee issues? Be sure to check out The North Korean Refugee Crisis: Human Rights and International Response report available at http://www.hrnk.org/refugeesReport06.pdf. Learn about the human rights abuses North Korea is committing.
Sudan denied AU position: no honors for supporters of genocide.
The African Union retained its integrity this week when it denied Sudan's bid to head the AU for 2007. The leadership position was instead given to Ghana, and the Union Chief, Alpha Oumar Konaré, used his opening speech to attack Sudan for orchestrating the attacks on civilians. "We appeal to the government of Sudan to stop attacking and bombarding Darfur and restore peace," he said.
This comes shortly after the few remaining aid organizations have declared in a report to the UN that they are just "holding the line" and may be forced to leave because of increasing violence. One aid worker said, "We simply cannot do our jobs if our lives are threatened."
Yesterday, two major French aid organizations abandoned their stations, leaving behind 130,000 Internally Displaced Persons after two of their workers were brutally raped, and others held at gun point, while rebel factions stole materials, trucks, computers, and cell phones. Aid organizations have requested security assistance to allow them to continue their vital work, but none has been granted.
This comes shortly after the few remaining aid organizations have declared in a report to the UN that they are just "holding the line" and may be forced to leave because of increasing violence. One aid worker said, "We simply cannot do our jobs if our lives are threatened."
Yesterday, two major French aid organizations abandoned their stations, leaving behind 130,000 Internally Displaced Persons after two of their workers were brutally raped, and others held at gun point, while rebel factions stole materials, trucks, computers, and cell phones. Aid organizations have requested security assistance to allow them to continue their vital work, but none has been granted.
Monday, January 29, 2007
Bring Justice to the Women of Darfur
This past weekend I attended the reading of a play called In Darfur by Winter Miller. The play focuses on the plight of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Darfur. In particular, it calls attention to the dangers Darfuri women face every day. The main character of the play is Hawa, a woman whose husband and son were killed with the rest of her family by the Janjaweed. Hawa was gang-raped and became pregnant. She does not know if the child belongs to her husband or to one of her rapists. Even after she reaches the IDP camp, she is not safe. On at least two occasions in the camp, she is beaten by soldiers inside the camp.
Rape has long been used as a tool of war because it is a demonstration of power and robs its victims of dignity. Often, a woman who has been raped is ostracized. The Janjaweed rapes black African women, hoping to impregnate them with Arab babies. Thus, rape in Darfur is not only demonstrates the oppressors' power in the region, but an attempt to eliminate the Africans living in Darfur. When the Janjaweed attacks a village, they kill, often after castrating, the men, and rape the women. Often, when women leave IDP camps to collect firewood or grass for their livestock, they are raped by Janjaweed soldiers lurking nearby. It is not only Janjaweed, however, who attack women. Soldiers in the rebel groups (such as the Sudanese Liberation Army) and the police protecting the camps are guilty as well. It is not possible to know exactly how many women have been raped, but one BBC reporter wrote last October that she had spoken with 21 women living in an IDP camp who had been raped in a period of two weeks. Other forms of violence against women include abduction and forced displacement. So far, the government in Khartoum is doing nothing to bring these rapists to justice. Write to President Omar al-Bashir and ask him to end the violence against women. Mail letters to this address:
His Excellency Lieutenant-General
Omr Hassan al-Bashir
President of the Republic of Sudan
President's Palace
PO Box 281
Khartoum
Sudan
For more extensive information on the condition of women in Darfur, visit www.amnestyusa.org/women/darfur.
Rape has long been used as a tool of war because it is a demonstration of power and robs its victims of dignity. Often, a woman who has been raped is ostracized. The Janjaweed rapes black African women, hoping to impregnate them with Arab babies. Thus, rape in Darfur is not only demonstrates the oppressors' power in the region, but an attempt to eliminate the Africans living in Darfur. When the Janjaweed attacks a village, they kill, often after castrating, the men, and rape the women. Often, when women leave IDP camps to collect firewood or grass for their livestock, they are raped by Janjaweed soldiers lurking nearby. It is not only Janjaweed, however, who attack women. Soldiers in the rebel groups (such as the Sudanese Liberation Army) and the police protecting the camps are guilty as well. It is not possible to know exactly how many women have been raped, but one BBC reporter wrote last October that she had spoken with 21 women living in an IDP camp who had been raped in a period of two weeks. Other forms of violence against women include abduction and forced displacement. So far, the government in Khartoum is doing nothing to bring these rapists to justice. Write to President Omar al-Bashir and ask him to end the violence against women. Mail letters to this address:
His Excellency Lieutenant-General
Omr Hassan al-Bashir
President of the Republic of Sudan
President's Palace
PO Box 281
Khartoum
Sudan
For more extensive information on the condition of women in Darfur, visit www.amnestyusa.org/women/darfur.
Sunday, January 28, 2007
Difficult Past, Troubled Future
As I mentioned in my previous blog, I believe it is pertinent to properly understand the history of a country before you can understand the current situation. So, in this blog, I will present some background information on the history of Burma. The country of Burma is located in southeast Asia between Bangladesh and Thailand. Burma was controlled by the British Empire for 62 years and was made apart of the British Indian Empire. By 1948, it became a seperate, self-governing colony with General Ne Win becoming the first military ruler and president. During the elections of 1990, the people of Burma believed that they had finally escaped the military dictatorship they were under. The National League for Democracy won the election in a landslide, but the ruling junta refused to hand over power. Since then the military authorities have promoted the name Myanmar as a conventional name for their state, but no other country or the people have recognized this as their actual state name. The current government has led to economic strain, human rights violations, fighting between ethnic Karens and Burmese troops, increase in sexual traffiking, and illicit drugs. These situations have only been escalating in their severity. I know this blog was a little dry, but the history is important to relate. In my next blog, I will focus upon one of these situations.Thursday, January 25, 2007
A Picture is Worth a Thousand Words
Pictures are, indeed, worth a thousand words, so for this week, I invite you to view the photography of Gloria Baker Feinstein. She not only catches the beauty and the horror that exists in the ashes of the Holocaust, but she also catches the humanity of Africa in her album of Ugandan pictures. So, challenge for the week includes viewing the breathtaking photography and sharing Gloria's gift with others.
http://www.gloriabakerfeinstein.com/
http://www.gloriabakerfeinstein.com/
Correction - Massacre at Gatumba, August of 2004
Hello again. So in this whole business of being new to blogging I realize how quickly mistakes in note taking and drawing from multiple documents at once can turn into gross rewritings of history. Thanks to a poster named Olivier my attention was brought to a BIG mistake in my last post. The genocide in Burundi was not sparked by the massacre at Gatumba, which did not take place until August 13, of 2004 (a Friday, no less)... NOT 1972 as I'd mistakenly written. My mistake is from mixing up a reference made to a separate Hutu rebellion which did take place in 1972. There's no excuse for mixing up the dates, by any means, but I've learned that while terms like "massacre" and "rebellion" might connote relatively similar images their range of use can certainly describe different incidents that should not be confused as I did.
As reported here by the US Department of State the massacre at Gatumba was carried out by a number of people, some of whom had ties to the National Liberation Front of the Party for the Liberation of the Hutu People. A wealth of information on the massacre at Gatumba can be found by following this link which will take you to a website maintained by Human Rights Watch. Located in the summary of the article by HRW they report that 152 were killed and 106 wounded; most of those targeted were of Banyamulenge (a category within "Tutsi") descent from the DRC. Here I'd like to point out that in my previous post I mentioned 160 were killed while HRW counts 152 fatalities.
The first figure comes from an article in The Economist called "The 'Jews' of Africa" dated August 21, 2004. Since both sources are highly reputable I believe that there's ambiguity over the exact number. I'm reminded of words I heard from a professor who said something to this effect: " 'History' is merely a representation of events in the past, just as a map of a country is only a representation of the country and not the country itself." Whether it was 160 fatalities or 152 or any other number is only representative of one account of an event and tells you nothing of that event's historical significance. That any more blood was spilled in this long history of back-and-forth fighting between Hutu and Tutsi is what is historically significant.
The course of conflict between the Tutsi and the Hutu is one that is complicated because of it's nature as a vicious cycle of reciprocating violence. I mentioned that I like the fact that I get to learn while blogging about this particular subject just as the rest of the Board is learning about their topics. Clearly, there was more than one lesson to be learned here: one, that the chance to learn means nothing if you learn or report something incorrectly; and two, that in such a wonderfully open place as the Internet any mistakes I make are instantaneously submitted to scrutiny, and by extension, I myself am open to that same scrutiny. I thank the poster who rightfully noted my error and I hope that this post has cleared things up. Next time, we'll start all over, you and I, and begin to examine the early history of the conflict and from there make our way into the present to look at the lingering effects of Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Burundi.
As reported here by the US Department of State the massacre at Gatumba was carried out by a number of people, some of whom had ties to the National Liberation Front of the Party for the Liberation of the Hutu People. A wealth of information on the massacre at Gatumba can be found by following this link which will take you to a website maintained by Human Rights Watch. Located in the summary of the article by HRW they report that 152 were killed and 106 wounded; most of those targeted were of Banyamulenge (a category within "Tutsi") descent from the DRC. Here I'd like to point out that in my previous post I mentioned 160 were killed while HRW counts 152 fatalities.
The first figure comes from an article in The Economist called "The 'Jews' of Africa" dated August 21, 2004. Since both sources are highly reputable I believe that there's ambiguity over the exact number. I'm reminded of words I heard from a professor who said something to this effect: " 'History' is merely a representation of events in the past, just as a map of a country is only a representation of the country and not the country itself." Whether it was 160 fatalities or 152 or any other number is only representative of one account of an event and tells you nothing of that event's historical significance. That any more blood was spilled in this long history of back-and-forth fighting between Hutu and Tutsi is what is historically significant.
The course of conflict between the Tutsi and the Hutu is one that is complicated because of it's nature as a vicious cycle of reciprocating violence. I mentioned that I like the fact that I get to learn while blogging about this particular subject just as the rest of the Board is learning about their topics. Clearly, there was more than one lesson to be learned here: one, that the chance to learn means nothing if you learn or report something incorrectly; and two, that in such a wonderfully open place as the Internet any mistakes I make are instantaneously submitted to scrutiny, and by extension, I myself am open to that same scrutiny. I thank the poster who rightfully noted my error and I hope that this post has cleared things up. Next time, we'll start all over, you and I, and begin to examine the early history of the conflict and from there make our way into the present to look at the lingering effects of Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Burundi.
Wednesday, January 24, 2007
Genocide in Burundi - General Background
Hello everyone. I want to apologize for being absent from the blog for a little while but I'm excited to be back now and starting on my first blog about ethnic conflict in Burundi. One of the things I consider so important that we as bloggers and members of the Student Board have is the ability to learn more even while we serve as activists for genocide prevention now. I certainly am learning in this process of researching ethnic conflict in Burundi and I have been surprised at how its history, while unique to its own set of circumstances, is a microcosm representative of a larger conflict that has consumed countries in central Africa.
The Republic of Burundi (bordered by Rwanda, the DRC, and Tanzania) is a country roughly the size of Rwanda that shares a similar trajectory as the former in terms of ethnic conflict. Home to roughly 7,500,000 people the state has had to deal with the crisis between Hutu and Tutsi, which was not merely contained within Rwanda’s borders, since even before it officially became a nation upon gaining its independence from Belgium in 1962. Once again, in Burundi it is those of the Tutsi “race” which have held power since the beginning though they are in the minority with respect to Hutus.
Generally, conflict in the region between the two groups has been going back and forth since the end of the 1950s with one side attacking the other and then the other retaliating. In Burundi, however, that which has become known as the Burundi genocide of 1972 was sparked by a particular incident. During the night of August 13, 1972, Hutu rebels took the lives of some 160 Tutsi in the camp of Gatumba. In response the Tutsi government, between April (the same month as the onset of the genocide in Rwanda which would come 22 years later) and September of that year, took the lives of anywhere between 100,000 to 150,000 lives of Hutu living in Burundi.
Sudan not fit to lead the African Union! Tell Condi!
Dave posted a link a few days ago for those of you who want to make a difference in Darfur, and today I'm inviting you do something similar.
In the coming days, Sudan is hoping to be elected chair of the Africa Union. The Sudanese government is a key player in the ongoing bloodshed in Darfur, supplying the janjaweed militias with weapons and technology to continue killing campaigns. It is imperative that they do not obtain this leadership role.
The only external peacekeeping forces the Sudanese government has permitted into the region have been African Union troops. If Sudan were leading the African Union, the only source of on-the-ground accountability would become subject to their leadership. The world cannot stand by and allow such a regime to be honored with this powerful and reputable leadership role.
Tell Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice that it is urgent that she does all she can to urge African leaders not to elect Sudan the chair of the African Union (the organization of African States) next week.
http://action.humanrightsfirst.org/campaign/darfur2/8dkbx384y5xtbk8?
In the coming days, Sudan is hoping to be elected chair of the Africa Union. The Sudanese government is a key player in the ongoing bloodshed in Darfur, supplying the janjaweed militias with weapons and technology to continue killing campaigns. It is imperative that they do not obtain this leadership role.
The only external peacekeeping forces the Sudanese government has permitted into the region have been African Union troops. If Sudan were leading the African Union, the only source of on-the-ground accountability would become subject to their leadership. The world cannot stand by and allow such a regime to be honored with this powerful and reputable leadership role.
Tell Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice that it is urgent that she does all she can to urge African leaders not to elect Sudan the chair of the African Union (the organization of African States) next week.
http://action.humanrightsfirst.org/campaign/darfur2/8dkbx384y5xtbk8?
Tuesday, January 23, 2007
Media Vigilance Can Help Save Darfur
People working in the anti-genocide movement, particularly since Darfur has become our focus, seem to spend a lot of time harassing politicians or organizing letter-writing campaigns to try and harass them some more into doing something. In most cases, we don’t get a lot of visible results from this and I’m starting to think that perhaps a shift in strategy is necessary. After all, who is even more responsive to public opinion than politicians? The media. They’ll show anything that people want to see, because for them it doesn’t mean getting votes, but money. And even more than that, no force has such a strong influence over public opinion as the media does.
This is why I was so disappointed to see a blatant mistake in an article about Darfur in a national Canadian newspaper, The National Post, last week. It was nearly a full-page article on the first page of the world section and I was excited, until I read more. The caption clearly blamed the rebels in Darfur for killing 200 000 people. The article contained further mistakes which were blatantly slanted in favour of the Sudanese government and I was driven to contact the newspaper in disgust. Soon I was contacted by the reporter in question with an apology and an explanation of a copy editor changing his words. The newspaper printed a small correction the following day.
I bring this up because we must be vigilant with the media. First, we have to make sure that the things they report about Darfur are correct and true and hold them to account when they are not. Furthermore, we must all strive to influence the media in any way we can to report more on Darfur. Media attention and public opinion build each other up and this is what politicians really pay attention. A letter to the editor of your local newspaper or local television station manager may in the end be more productive than ten letters to your elected representative.
This is why I was so disappointed to see a blatant mistake in an article about Darfur in a national Canadian newspaper, The National Post, last week. It was nearly a full-page article on the first page of the world section and I was excited, until I read more. The caption clearly blamed the rebels in Darfur for killing 200 000 people. The article contained further mistakes which were blatantly slanted in favour of the Sudanese government and I was driven to contact the newspaper in disgust. Soon I was contacted by the reporter in question with an apology and an explanation of a copy editor changing his words. The newspaper printed a small correction the following day.
I bring this up because we must be vigilant with the media. First, we have to make sure that the things they report about Darfur are correct and true and hold them to account when they are not. Furthermore, we must all strive to influence the media in any way we can to report more on Darfur. Media attention and public opinion build each other up and this is what politicians really pay attention. A letter to the editor of your local newspaper or local television station manager may in the end be more productive than ten letters to your elected representative.
The Good Samaritan Law
As I was looking for updates this week on the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) the only coverage of the country in the mainstream media was related to rebels who killed and ate 2 silverback mountain gorillas in eastern Congo. Click here for the article.
Two things about this struck me. Firstly, this highlights the ongoing need for the international community to create stability in eastern Congo; things are so unstable that even gorillas are not safe, nor are the rangers who protect them. Secondly, I'm reminded of a story I heard about the Rwandan genocide. Apparently, during the genocide, Congress received more letters from constituents about the need to protect the endangered gorillas in Rwanda then about what was happening to the Rwandan people. I've visited these gorilla in Rwanda and know from experience how wonderful and important they are, but why is no one writing about the hundreds of people who are dying each day in eastern Congo? Perhaps its because they know the world doesn't care, or if it does care, no one will do anything about it because there are no consequences for inaction. We must change this.
Remember the final Seinfeld episode where Jerry, Elaine, George and Kramer were arrested for not abiding by the Good Samaritan Law? Instead of helping a man who was being robbed, they laughed at him and made jokes. While humorous, this episode teaches a very important lesson; we cannot look the other way when others are in need, its our responsibility to help. As citizens in a globalized world we have a responsibility to speak out and take action to help the suffering Congolese people, not just cute gorillas. Tell your senators, representatives and local papers that you care about being a good Samaritan and you want to help the Congolese people. Don't stand by and let the atrocities committed in the DRC become a joke.
Two things about this struck me. Firstly, this highlights the ongoing need for the international community to create stability in eastern Congo; things are so unstable that even gorillas are not safe, nor are the rangers who protect them. Secondly, I'm reminded of a story I heard about the Rwandan genocide. Apparently, during the genocide, Congress received more letters from constituents about the need to protect the endangered gorillas in Rwanda then about what was happening to the Rwandan people. I've visited these gorilla in Rwanda and know from experience how wonderful and important they are, but why is no one writing about the hundreds of people who are dying each day in eastern Congo? Perhaps its because they know the world doesn't care, or if it does care, no one will do anything about it because there are no consequences for inaction. We must change this.
Remember the final Seinfeld episode where Jerry, Elaine, George and Kramer were arrested for not abiding by the Good Samaritan Law? Instead of helping a man who was being robbed, they laughed at him and made jokes. While humorous, this episode teaches a very important lesson; we cannot look the other way when others are in need, its our responsibility to help. As citizens in a globalized world we have a responsibility to speak out and take action to help the suffering Congolese people, not just cute gorillas. Tell your senators, representatives and local papers that you care about being a good Samaritan and you want to help the Congolese people. Don't stand by and let the atrocities committed in the DRC become a joke.
A Clash of Two "High Hopes"
The death of an estimated 300 tribal members in Sudan within a two week span and new investigations of government bombings in Darfur have not stopped the African Union from embracing what the Sudan Tribune calls "upbeat 2007 predictions." Apparently, the AU has "high hopes" to renew its emphasis on mending divisions among political factions and continue to seek UN peacekeeping assistance.
At the same time, Sudanese President Omar Bashir holds high hopes for assuming leadership of the AU. Today begins the African Union Summit, and as of last week, the United States has not take a stance to block a Sudanese AU presidency.
Allowing the Sudanese government to seize such power in Africa will provide Bashir's government with an opportunity to further exploit the international community in his efforts to avoid international peacekeeping troops. The international community can use this opportunity to engage with Sudan and take action to block Bashir from the presidency. It is past time to send Bashir the message that the global community will not tolerate leaders who faciliate and perpetrate genocide. This warning, then, must be followed with consistent and meaningful action.
Nicholas Kristof wrote last week in his op-ed "Carwashes and Genocide" that, according to Bill Richardson, international and student activists are reaching Bashir with explicit intolerance for human rights violations in Darfur. We make Bashir nervous. Can we translate this through our government into action?
At the same time, Sudanese President Omar Bashir holds high hopes for assuming leadership of the AU. Today begins the African Union Summit, and as of last week, the United States has not take a stance to block a Sudanese AU presidency.
Allowing the Sudanese government to seize such power in Africa will provide Bashir's government with an opportunity to further exploit the international community in his efforts to avoid international peacekeeping troops. The international community can use this opportunity to engage with Sudan and take action to block Bashir from the presidency. It is past time to send Bashir the message that the global community will not tolerate leaders who faciliate and perpetrate genocide. This warning, then, must be followed with consistent and meaningful action.
Nicholas Kristof wrote last week in his op-ed "Carwashes and Genocide" that, according to Bill Richardson, international and student activists are reaching Bashir with explicit intolerance for human rights violations in Darfur. We make Bashir nervous. Can we translate this through our government into action?
Monday, January 22, 2007
Peace Versus Accountability?
In an article from The Guardian, African Search for Peace Throws Court into Crisis , author Chris McGreal analyzes the struggle between achieving both peace in Uganda and accountability for the horrific actions committed by Joseph Kony, the leader of the Lord's Resistance Army. The Lord's Resistance Army has abducted children from their homes and forced them to become child soldiers, along with murdering and raping countless people, wreaking havoc throughout Uganda. While the ICC has investigated the crimes committed by Kony at the request of the Ugandan government, Kony has declared that the charges must be dropped in order for a peace deal to be reached. Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni, has asked the ICC to agree to Kony's demands to bring peace to the region. Meanwhile, the ICC's credibility will be severely damaged if their first case is not seen through to fruition, thereby weakening the idea of international justice.
This dynamic forces us to question whether abandoning the idea of justice is worthwhile if it means bringing peace to a region that has been devastated by civil war, whose children have never truly experienced a childhood, whose families have been destroyed, whose lives have been ruined. However, will this peace be a lasting peace especially if the leaders of the LRA obtain immunity? And what precedent does this set for the international community? One question that is at the heart of this debate is what the effect of the ICC will be, can it actually be an arbiter of justice that will cause these horrible leaders to think twice before acting, or will it never be enough of a deterrent?
I do not have answers to any of these questions. Currently, it seems to be, that I must think of those suffering in Uganda, and I personally would put the prospect of peace above the need to indite Kony. However, this decision comes from a gut reaction that lives must be saved and that choosing peace over justice has the potential to save the most lives at the moment. This decision may not have the same effects in the long-run; if the ICC can be strengthened by this conviction and it can help prevent future instances of mass violence, then perhaps I would have made the wrong decision. I do not think there is a right answer to this dilemma and it is one that will continue to dampen the prospect of both a system of international accountability and of a lasting peace in a war-torn region.
This dynamic forces us to question whether abandoning the idea of justice is worthwhile if it means bringing peace to a region that has been devastated by civil war, whose children have never truly experienced a childhood, whose families have been destroyed, whose lives have been ruined. However, will this peace be a lasting peace especially if the leaders of the LRA obtain immunity? And what precedent does this set for the international community? One question that is at the heart of this debate is what the effect of the ICC will be, can it actually be an arbiter of justice that will cause these horrible leaders to think twice before acting, or will it never be enough of a deterrent?
I do not have answers to any of these questions. Currently, it seems to be, that I must think of those suffering in Uganda, and I personally would put the prospect of peace above the need to indite Kony. However, this decision comes from a gut reaction that lives must be saved and that choosing peace over justice has the potential to save the most lives at the moment. This decision may not have the same effects in the long-run; if the ICC can be strengthened by this conviction and it can help prevent future instances of mass violence, then perhaps I would have made the wrong decision. I do not think there is a right answer to this dilemma and it is one that will continue to dampen the prospect of both a system of international accountability and of a lasting peace in a war-torn region.
Friday, January 19, 2007
The cost of remembering
My name is Alexa Woodward, and I am a first year law student at the City University of New York. It's exciting to be a part of the student board on genocide prevention. I have been interested in genocide prevention ever since working in Cambodia during my undergraduate studies, where I learned about the genocide of the Khmer Rouge in the 1970s. I was teaching visual art at an orphanage while doing an independent study in Phnom Penh, the capital, and I was struck by the continued impact the genocide had nearly thirty years later. It occurred to me during those months of living and working in Cambodia that some of the people who had been victims years before may now be neighbors of those who perpetrated violence during the genocide. Ever since my experience there I have wanted to understand how a collective social memory can be a part of healing. One important way of healing seems to be speaking: remembering what occurred and telling the story. Today, in Turkey, one such story teller lost his life.
One of Turkey’s leading voices for free speech, Hrant Dink, the editor of Turkey’s leading Armenian Newspaper, was assassinated today in Turkey. He has received death threats for the last three years after being tried by the Turkish government under Article 3 of the Turkish Penal Code, a controversial provision that has been widely criticized for criminalizing negative remarks about the Turkish State. Mr. Dink was an Armenian Turk, and he was convicted based on his outspoken efforts to raise awareness about the Armenian genocide in Turkey, which preceded the Jewish Holocaust by about twenty years. This is an example of the importance of memory: Mr. Dink’s efforts to ignite a collective memory of the Armenian genocide came at a great cost. To read more about his life, the New York Times devoted the front page story to him today, and you can read it here:
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/19/world/europe/19cnd-turkey.html?hp&ex=1169269200&en=e33786f3af02d03c&ei=5094&partner=homepage
One of Turkey’s leading voices for free speech, Hrant Dink, the editor of Turkey’s leading Armenian Newspaper, was assassinated today in Turkey. He has received death threats for the last three years after being tried by the Turkish government under Article 3 of the Turkish Penal Code, a controversial provision that has been widely criticized for criminalizing negative remarks about the Turkish State. Mr. Dink was an Armenian Turk, and he was convicted based on his outspoken efforts to raise awareness about the Armenian genocide in Turkey, which preceded the Jewish Holocaust by about twenty years. This is an example of the importance of memory: Mr. Dink’s efforts to ignite a collective memory of the Armenian genocide came at a great cost. To read more about his life, the New York Times devoted the front page story to him today, and you can read it here:
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/19/world/europe/19cnd-turkey.html?hp&ex=1169269200&en=e33786f3af02d03c&ei=5094&partner=homepage
Thursday, January 18, 2007
Important Action Needed
In just a few days the leaders of African nations will meet to decide on who will assume leadership of the African Union Assembly. Sudan is one of the nations wanting to take this important seat. The Sudanese government has continually rejected the help of United Nations peacekeepers to help stop the genocide in their country. If the Sudan takes a position of power within the African Union, it will be in an even stronger position to prevent the United Nations from taking action. The delegates will meet from January 22-30, so it is imperative that swift action be taken.
Please take a moment to visit Amnesty International and take steps to prevent this from happening.
http://takeaction.amnestyusa.org/c.goJTI0OvElH/b.953489/k.B86E/Action_Center_Home/siteapps/advocacy/ActionItem.aspx?c=goJTI0OvElH&b=953489&aid=7910
Please take a moment to visit Amnesty International and take steps to prevent this from happening.
http://takeaction.amnestyusa.org/c.goJTI0OvElH/b.953489/k.B86E/Action_Center_Home/siteapps/advocacy/ActionItem.aspx?c=goJTI0OvElH&b=953489&aid=7910
Greetings
I would like to make my own late introduction. My name is Dave Gethings, and I am a senior at
Then I heard about this country called
I truly hope that every person that reads this will take a moment to inform themselves of the atrocities taking place around the world. Also, if each person does even one thing (a letter to the editor, call to government, telling a friend, etc) then we might be able to stop such atrocities. These events are how we will be judged by history. How will you answer your children when they ask you what you did to stop the murder?
One Love
This past Sunday, January 14th, I ran a half marathon: the Rock 'n Roll (half) Marathon in Phoenix, Arizona. This is not my first experience running long distances; I ran a full marathon in St. Louis last April. I observed the same thing this time, but on a grander scale. The people that run these events are not one demographic, they are not several--they are every demographic. I begin the race nervous, due to my lack of serious training. By the time people start to fill in the race corrals and line up next to me, I began to feel something. I began to feel like I was a part of something bigger than myself. But like I challenged you last time I blogged a week ago today, I began to think--what else was I to do with two hours of my time?
I ran amongst 36,000 people, all there to accomplish one goal--to finish the race. Why each individual wanted to finish varies, but it made me think. I looked ahead of me. People were running. I looked behind me. People were running. Everywhere I looked, people were running. White, black, old, young, thin, thick, brown eyes, green eyes: they were not fighting, they were not segregated, they were not snubbing each other because of something they were born into, with, or believed in. They were all sharing one love, a love that supported interpersonal and intrapersonal communication, a love that supported unity through the streets of Arizona. Finally, the roads were lined with spectators and supporters--most knew runners, but some did not. I told my dad when I finished that I don't think that if I had been at home, I could have run 8 miles, let alone the 5.1 extra. But because of the elderly man next to me, the woman and her children in front of me, and my dad and my uncle running behind me, I could achieve something I was passionate about.
Spotlight on my brain activity: why can't the African nations work like this? Why do silly differences like nose widths and religious rivalries hold people back from supporting one love? A love that helps everyone accomplish their universal goal: to lead happy and healthy lives. Challenge for this week is inspired: during the race, I felt like I could have taken my thoughts one step further. I know that my next race, I am going to run in a shirt that states, "I am running for all of those HAVE to RUN, in Darfur." Challenge: take your thoughts a step further creatively, whether through communicating your thoughts to someone, reading a testimonial from a survivor, etc. Good luck and pay the One Love concept forward.
I ran amongst 36,000 people, all there to accomplish one goal--to finish the race. Why each individual wanted to finish varies, but it made me think. I looked ahead of me. People were running. I looked behind me. People were running. Everywhere I looked, people were running. White, black, old, young, thin, thick, brown eyes, green eyes: they were not fighting, they were not segregated, they were not snubbing each other because of something they were born into, with, or believed in. They were all sharing one love, a love that supported interpersonal and intrapersonal communication, a love that supported unity through the streets of Arizona. Finally, the roads were lined with spectators and supporters--most knew runners, but some did not. I told my dad when I finished that I don't think that if I had been at home, I could have run 8 miles, let alone the 5.1 extra. But because of the elderly man next to me, the woman and her children in front of me, and my dad and my uncle running behind me, I could achieve something I was passionate about.
Spotlight on my brain activity: why can't the African nations work like this? Why do silly differences like nose widths and religious rivalries hold people back from supporting one love? A love that helps everyone accomplish their universal goal: to lead happy and healthy lives. Challenge for this week is inspired: during the race, I felt like I could have taken my thoughts one step further. I know that my next race, I am going to run in a shirt that states, "I am running for all of those HAVE to RUN, in Darfur." Challenge: take your thoughts a step further creatively, whether through communicating your thoughts to someone, reading a testimonial from a survivor, etc. Good luck and pay the One Love concept forward.
Wednesday, January 17, 2007
A Brief History of the Bosnian War and Genocide
For almost five decades following the end of the Second World War, Europe saw a period of great tension during the Cold War, but avoided any large armed conflicts. Then communism fell and in mid 1991 the Republic of Yugoslavia began to fall apart. First Croatia, then Slovenia declared independence from the federation of six republics which had been held together only by the aggressive suppression of its constituent ethnicities. Bosnia was not far behind and in early 1992 a referendum declared it independent too. The people of Bosnia are collectively known as Bosniaks, but the country is made up of ethnic Croats, Serbs, and Muslims.
Within two months of the referendum, open war had broken out in Bosnia. The Bosnian Serbs set up a shadow republic within the country called the Republika Srpska and with the cooperation of the Yugoslav National Army (JNA) based in Serbia, began to wage a brutal, vicious war against the Bosnia government and people. Sarajevo, the capital and host of the 1984 Olympic Games, was subjected to a nearly four-year siege - the longest in the history of modern warfare. Its defenders came from all of Bosnia’s three peoples and were targeted by Serb forces for their loyalty to the multi-ethnic government.
Until the end of the war in 1995, all sides (Croatia later invaded as well) in the conflict committed atrocities, but over ninety percent have been attributed to Serb forces who attempted to drive all others out of the land and establish “Greater Serbia.” Massacres and unprecedented cruelty became the norm, culminating in the Srebrenica massacre of July 11, 1995 - the largest in Europe since the end of the war - which saw 8 000 Muslim men and boys slaughtered (srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com). An estimated 250 000 people were killed in the war, and various high-level figures have been indicted by the International Criminal Court on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. Many have been convicted, some are still at large.
Within two months of the referendum, open war had broken out in Bosnia. The Bosnian Serbs set up a shadow republic within the country called the Republika Srpska and with the cooperation of the Yugoslav National Army (JNA) based in Serbia, began to wage a brutal, vicious war against the Bosnia government and people. Sarajevo, the capital and host of the 1984 Olympic Games, was subjected to a nearly four-year siege - the longest in the history of modern warfare. Its defenders came from all of Bosnia’s three peoples and were targeted by Serb forces for their loyalty to the multi-ethnic government.
Until the end of the war in 1995, all sides (Croatia later invaded as well) in the conflict committed atrocities, but over ninety percent have been attributed to Serb forces who attempted to drive all others out of the land and establish “Greater Serbia.” Massacres and unprecedented cruelty became the norm, culminating in the Srebrenica massacre of July 11, 1995 - the largest in Europe since the end of the war - which saw 8 000 Muslim men and boys slaughtered (srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com). An estimated 250 000 people were killed in the war, and various high-level figures have been indicted by the International Criminal Court on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. Many have been convicted, some are still at large.
Where's Congo and What's DRC
As some of you might know DRC has been the focus of international advocacy groups due to ongoing violence and conflict since the country's independence in 1960. The most recent violence began in 1998 in Eastern DRC as a result of the 1994 Rwandan genocide spilling into neighboring DRC bringing into DRC Rwandan genocidaires seeking refuge while they staged attacks into Rwanda. Ultimately, this led to the fall of the DRC government and the beginning of five years of violence, chaos and instability. The Congolese people have borne the brunt of the war with over three million people dead and millions displaced as a result of fighting, malnutrition and disease. Many refer to the ongoing violence in DRC as Africa's World War because of the direct involvement in the conflict of neighboring countries such as Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Uganda, Burundi and Rwanda.
While a peace agreement was reached in 2003 and recent democratic elections in July 2006 are signs of progress, the country is still very fragile and could easy fall back into war with many issues still plaguing this large, resource rich country. I will explore these issues further in future blogs but the International Crisis Group issued a recent report outlining problems in DRC and the need for continued international engagement. A overview and the full report can be found at http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=4604&l=1. Bottom line though, to ensure stability and create a democracy, the international community must stay engaged. Elections cannot mean the end of international involvement or else previous international efforts to create peace will have been in vain.
For a short background history and map of the DRC visit http://www.ushmm.org/conscience/alert/congo/contents/01-overview/ and http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/country_profiles/1076399.stm.
While a peace agreement was reached in 2003 and recent democratic elections in July 2006 are signs of progress, the country is still very fragile and could easy fall back into war with many issues still plaguing this large, resource rich country. I will explore these issues further in future blogs but the International Crisis Group issued a recent report outlining problems in DRC and the need for continued international engagement. A overview and the full report can be found at http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=4604&l=1. Bottom line though, to ensure stability and create a democracy, the international community must stay engaged. Elections cannot mean the end of international involvement or else previous international efforts to create peace will have been in vain.
For a short background history and map of the DRC visit http://www.ushmm.org/conscience/alert/congo/contents/01-overview/ and http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/country_profiles/1076399.stm.
Sunday, January 14, 2007
UN and EU aid in Ivory Coast
Brief History of the Ivory Coast conflict:
Ivory Coast (Cote d'Ivoire), a former French colony in West Africa, remained stable for about 30 years after it gained independence from France in 1960. In 1999, this stability was shattered when a coup d'etat deposed president Henri Bedie, who had sowed seeds of xenophobia against Muslims in the north. One of the main causes of the conflict was the question of who was truly Ivorian; Ivory Coast was once an economically powerful country and many people immigrated to it to work on the cocoa and cotton plantations. Laurent Gbagbo replaced Bedie in 2000 and replaced xenophobia with violence. Alassane Ouattra, a Muslim and the main presidential rival, called for new elections and many of his supporters were killed as a result. In September 2002, Muslims in the north rebelled because they felt they were discriminated against in Ivorian politics. Peace deals have failed to reunite the country and violence has continued.
Current Situation:
On Wednesday, January 10, the UN Security Council voted to extend the UN peacekeeping forces' mandate in Ivory Coast and the mandate of the French forces, known as Licorne. According to a November 20, 2006 count, approximately 8,000 UN peacekeepers and 4,000 French troops were deployed in Ivory Coast to help maintain a ceasefire between President Gbagbo's military and northern rebels. The Security Council's resolution outlines the UN and French forces' job, which includes "disarmament and dismantling of militias, identification of the population and registration of voters, monitoring the arms embargo, support for the organisation of open, free, fair and transparent polls later this year and support for humanitarian aid." Last December, Koffi Annan advised the UN to extend its mandate until December 15, 2007. The Security Council renewed the bans on diamonds and weapons until October and said it may "impose sanctions against individuals deemed to be undermining peace and national reconciliation...." The Security Council also assigned to Prime Minister Charles Konan Banny the task of organizing a presidential election for the end of October 2007.
On Thursday, January 11, the European Union (EU) pledged to give 103 million Euros (approximately $133 million) to the Ivorian government for use in organizing a fair election and to fund disarmament. The money will also fund small economic projects which will help rebuild communities and improve civic organizations.
Thursday, January 11, 2007
Glimmers of Hope for Justice
Two recent events offer hope for the present and future victims of genocide. New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson's mission to Sudan represents a renewed American commitment to the success of the UN peacekeeping plan for Darfur. That a probable presidential candidate pays so much attention to the plan is also heartening. But the extent of Gov. Richardson's influence remains unclear; he brokered a previous deal with the Sudanese President, Omar el-Bashir, but does not have an official US government title. Bashir's cautious maneuvering with regards to the UN peacekeeping plan suggests he may play a delaying game; if so, Gov. Richardson will need all his diplomatic acumen to force Bashir to accept a strong and credible UN force.
A second reason for optimism in the New Year is the trial by a UN War Crimes Tribunal of Colonel Tharcisse Renzaho, a prefect in charge of Rwanda's capital Kigali during the 1994 genocide. In many ways the UN tribunal for Rwanda represents a landmark for international justice: it delivered the first-ever judgement of the crime of genocide by an international court. For those who believe the international community has a key role in punishing and deterring the perpetrators of genocide, the trial of Col. Renzaho is reason for hope that crimes against humanity will not go unpunished.
A second reason for optimism in the New Year is the trial by a UN War Crimes Tribunal of Colonel Tharcisse Renzaho, a prefect in charge of Rwanda's capital Kigali during the 1994 genocide. In many ways the UN tribunal for Rwanda represents a landmark for international justice: it delivered the first-ever judgement of the crime of genocide by an international court. For those who believe the international community has a key role in punishing and deterring the perpetrators of genocide, the trial of Col. Renzaho is reason for hope that crimes against humanity will not go unpunished.
Introduction and A Call for Thought
Hello, I would like to introduce myself, like my colleagues have. My name is Matt Felzke, and I am a junior (by credit hours) at Truman State University, located in the northeast corner of Missouri. I am currently double majoring in Secondary English Education and Communication. My favorite class that I am taking right now is African American Literature, and that is for the same reason that I am passionate about genocide in the world today. I am very interested in the study of racism, prejudice, discrimination, ethnocentrism, and the effects that these have on politics and society. I was first REALLY introduced to this notion when I was a junior in high school when I took a Holocaust literature course. Since then, the thought of genocide in our global society has never left my mind.
As it is the new year and resolutions abound, I would like to challenge you to a resolution. Not a resolution for the new year, but for a new purpose in life. This resolution will build, just as our initiatives have in dealing with the issue of warfare and genocide. So here is my proposition to you for now: I personally challenge you to THINK. That is all. I suspect that thinking of the multitude of people in danger because of genocide, outside of your immediate routine and environment will lead to research--this is good, because that will be my next challenge. So for my roll in blogging, I might update you on news, I might tell a story that has affected my life, but I will always end with a challenge. So, to wrap things up, let 2007 be a year of thought, research, memories, resulting in action.
As it is the new year and resolutions abound, I would like to challenge you to a resolution. Not a resolution for the new year, but for a new purpose in life. This resolution will build, just as our initiatives have in dealing with the issue of warfare and genocide. So here is my proposition to you for now: I personally challenge you to THINK. That is all. I suspect that thinking of the multitude of people in danger because of genocide, outside of your immediate routine and environment will lead to research--this is good, because that will be my next challenge. So for my roll in blogging, I might update you on news, I might tell a story that has affected my life, but I will always end with a challenge. So, to wrap things up, let 2007 be a year of thought, research, memories, resulting in action.
Change the World
Hello everyone! My name is Jeanne Segil and I am a sophomore at Pomona College in Claremont, California. I am very excited to have this opportunity to share my thoughts about the current situation in Darfur and also the crisis in Uganda. As I am struggling to figure out how to begin my first blog entry, I will share a quote from the man who created the term genocide, Raphael Lemkin. As documented in Samantha Power’s book A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide, Raphael Lemkin dedicated his life to the creation of this term, to building his law in the hopes that the international community would unite to prevent future genocides. He sprinted after whomever he could find, and said, “‘you and I, we must change the world’” (Power, pg 51).
His legacy lives on today and if he were still alive, he would be sprinting after each one of us to engage us in his struggle to change the world. While indescribable atrocities are occurring around us daily and the world seems rife with destruction and despair, we must maintain hope. Although most of my blog entries will be documenting the horrors befalling innocent civilians in Darfur and Uganda, I will not lose hope that peace can be a reality. Change can be implemented and improvements can be made. The Save Darfur Coaliton report of a 60 day ceasefire in Darfur is a start, yet we must continue to pressure the United Nations and the Sudanese government to ensure that progress will occur. Hope stems from the dedicated efforts of citizens across the globe. As we begin this new year, we must address the worst crises in the world, yet we should address these struggles not with despair, but instead with hope that we have the power to unite and change the world.
His legacy lives on today and if he were still alive, he would be sprinting after each one of us to engage us in his struggle to change the world. While indescribable atrocities are occurring around us daily and the world seems rife with destruction and despair, we must maintain hope. Although most of my blog entries will be documenting the horrors befalling innocent civilians in Darfur and Uganda, I will not lose hope that peace can be a reality. Change can be implemented and improvements can be made. The Save Darfur Coaliton report of a 60 day ceasefire in Darfur is a start, yet we must continue to pressure the United Nations and the Sudanese government to ensure that progress will occur. Hope stems from the dedicated efforts of citizens across the globe. As we begin this new year, we must address the worst crises in the world, yet we should address these struggles not with despair, but instead with hope that we have the power to unite and change the world.
Wednesday, January 10, 2007
Possible Relief in Darfur?
The Governor of New Mexico has been traveling in Sudan, visiting Darfur, and meeting with a number of people and groups including the Sudanese President, rebel leaders, UN representatives and others. Governor Richardson and Sudanese President Bashir have sent out a joint statement about the future of the Darfur region.
The statement discussing such ideas as a 60 day ceasefire, an international peace summit by March 15, access for humanitarian organizations, and a UN/African Union "hybrid" peacekeeping force.
If implemented, this statement could hold the possibility for positive change. Do you think this is possible? What are the chances of this actually succeeding?
The statement discussing such ideas as a 60 day ceasefire, an international peace summit by March 15, access for humanitarian organizations, and a UN/African Union "hybrid" peacekeeping force.
If implemented, this statement could hold the possibility for positive change. Do you think this is possible? What are the chances of this actually succeeding?
Reason to Hope?
This week I'm making a departure from my chosen topic to write on some news out of Darfur. The Save Darfur Coalition announced today that a delegation of theirs headed by New Mexico governor Bill Richardson had brokered a new cease-fire agreement with the government of Sudan; the governor and President al-Bashir released a joint press statement of the proceedings. Following are the bulleted points as given by Save Darfur:
-A 60-day ceasefire with an international peace summit to be held before March 15, 2007.
-Sudan's cooperation to work with the African Union and United Nations on the deployment of a hybrid peacekeeping force in Darfur.
-Ensuring "zero tolerance" policies for gender-based violence in Darfur.
-Free access for humanitarian aid workers and journalists.
As for the first point I consider this a good place to start. While a mere two months may not seem like a very long time we should be reminded that with a genocide that has averaged between 100 and 500 deaths a day a span of 60 days without a cease-fire could claim the lives of anywhere between an additional 6,000 to 30,000 Darfurians. Remember, also, that in only 100 days the genocide in Rwanda claimed twice as many lives as have been lost in Darfur since 2003. So, in short, any amount of time during which there is supposed to be at least a semblance of peace is good news for the people of Darfur.
Turning to the second point is where I start to worry a bit. Calling for Khartoum’s cooperation is all well and good but, ultimately, the government of Sudan has the final say as to whether or not it chooses to cooperate. In the past Khartoum has been very vocal about not granting its consent to UN forces coming into Darfur.
As for the “zero-tolerance” point I believe this to be one of the greatest potential victories. In a society where it verges on the inappropriate to even talk about gender-based violence such as rape I think that this is a very worthwhile goal to implement immediately in Darfur. Rape is all too often used in campaigns of genocide; history has taught us this lesson.
Finally, assuming the government honors the last point on “free access” then it would mean a greater ability to ensure the immediate survival of those 2.5 million displaced persons who depend on outside help for medical attention and food supply. Further, greater freedom for journalists would help ensure that the story of Darfur reaches the greatest number of people possible.
Of course, any work that moves in the direction of bringing bring peace to the people of Darfur is a good thing, however, my optimism carries the baggage of caution and lingering concern about the commitment of the Sudanese government to such a ceasefire. It was only last spring that a different ceasefire was agreed to and not long after broken. However, I believe that it certainly is progress, and therefore, certainly a reason to hope.
-A 60-day ceasefire with an international peace summit to be held before March 15, 2007.
-Sudan's cooperation to work with the African Union and United Nations on the deployment of a hybrid peacekeeping force in Darfur.
-Ensuring "zero tolerance" policies for gender-based violence in Darfur.
-Free access for humanitarian aid workers and journalists.
As for the first point I consider this a good place to start. While a mere two months may not seem like a very long time we should be reminded that with a genocide that has averaged between 100 and 500 deaths a day a span of 60 days without a cease-fire could claim the lives of anywhere between an additional 6,000 to 30,000 Darfurians. Remember, also, that in only 100 days the genocide in Rwanda claimed twice as many lives as have been lost in Darfur since 2003. So, in short, any amount of time during which there is supposed to be at least a semblance of peace is good news for the people of Darfur.
Turning to the second point is where I start to worry a bit. Calling for Khartoum’s cooperation is all well and good but, ultimately, the government of Sudan has the final say as to whether or not it chooses to cooperate. In the past Khartoum has been very vocal about not granting its consent to UN forces coming into Darfur.
As for the “zero-tolerance” point I believe this to be one of the greatest potential victories. In a society where it verges on the inappropriate to even talk about gender-based violence such as rape I think that this is a very worthwhile goal to implement immediately in Darfur. Rape is all too often used in campaigns of genocide; history has taught us this lesson.
Finally, assuming the government honors the last point on “free access” then it would mean a greater ability to ensure the immediate survival of those 2.5 million displaced persons who depend on outside help for medical attention and food supply. Further, greater freedom for journalists would help ensure that the story of Darfur reaches the greatest number of people possible.
Of course, any work that moves in the direction of bringing bring peace to the people of Darfur is a good thing, however, my optimism carries the baggage of caution and lingering concern about the commitment of the Sudanese government to such a ceasefire. It was only last spring that a different ceasefire was agreed to and not long after broken. However, I believe that it certainly is progress, and therefore, certainly a reason to hope.
Aid for Darfur? International humanitarian agencies may have to evacuate
As the level of violence increases in Darfur, it is becoming more dangerous for humanitarian aid workers as well. Aid agencies in Darfur include SUDO (Sudan Development Organization), World Vision, International Rescue Committee (IRC), and Oxfam International, among others. Since May 2006, however, there have been at least 23 incidents causing aid organizations to withdraw from Darfur; twelve such incidents ended with aid organizations permanently withdrawing workers from the region. Oxfam International announced in December that over one-third of Darfur is inaccessible to aid workers and humanitarian agencies.
Eric Reeves, a Darfur analyst in Massachusetts, writes, "If humanitarian organizations do withdraw entirely, or are continually more restricted in their movements, there will be no witnesses to the next act of genocidal destructions: the assault upon or bulldozing of Darfur's camps for the displaced" (www.sudanreeves.org/Article143.html). Furthermore, the refugees living in the camps will have no one to depend upon for medical care, etc. if the aid agencies are forced to leave.
More information and press releases can be found at www.oxfam.org.
Eric Reeves, a Darfur analyst in Massachusetts, writes, "If humanitarian organizations do withdraw entirely, or are continually more restricted in their movements, there will be no witnesses to the next act of genocidal destructions: the assault upon or bulldozing of Darfur's camps for the displaced" (www.sudanreeves.org/Article143.html). Furthermore, the refugees living in the camps will have no one to depend upon for medical care, etc. if the aid agencies are forced to leave.
More information and press releases can be found at www.oxfam.org.
Saddam Hussein’s Execution: Cheating Justice?
The hanging of former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein two weeks ago has been big news recently. A lot of media attention has been given to his trial for the 1982 Dujail massacre of 148 Shi’ite Muslims, his ultimate conviction, and execution. A lot less attention, however, has been given to the other trial he was on - for the Kurdish Genocide. Saddam was responsible for the deaths of about 200 000 Iraqi Kurds in the late 1980s and displacement over a million more. Had his trial been allowed to run its course, Saddam almost certainly would have been convicted and sentenced to death. That will never happen now.
A lot of people speculated that the appeal ruling and execution from the Dujail conviction might be delayed to coincide with the end of the Kurdish Genocide trial. Apparently the Iraqi Government was just too impatient. Some might ask what it matters, since Saddam is dead now anyhow. The fact is that a dead man can’t stand trial and with Saddam’s execution all charges of genocide against him were dropped. I can’t help but be reminded of earlier this year when former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic died of natural causes in the Hague while on trial for genocide and other crimes against humanity. Milosevic had been the first sitting head of state indicted for war crimes. His death cheated the world and the people who suffered at his hands and sought justice.
Once again, another victimized people has been cheated of justice and closure by the untimely death of a dictator on trial. Once again, the world has been cheated of a precedent-setting legal decision against a former dictator and all of the doors to intervention and justice which could have been opened everywhere. Let’s hope that the Genocide trial goes forth without any more interference and that Hussein’s six former codefendants get what they deserve.
A lot of people speculated that the appeal ruling and execution from the Dujail conviction might be delayed to coincide with the end of the Kurdish Genocide trial. Apparently the Iraqi Government was just too impatient. Some might ask what it matters, since Saddam is dead now anyhow. The fact is that a dead man can’t stand trial and with Saddam’s execution all charges of genocide against him were dropped. I can’t help but be reminded of earlier this year when former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic died of natural causes in the Hague while on trial for genocide and other crimes against humanity. Milosevic had been the first sitting head of state indicted for war crimes. His death cheated the world and the people who suffered at his hands and sought justice.
Once again, another victimized people has been cheated of justice and closure by the untimely death of a dictator on trial. Once again, the world has been cheated of a precedent-setting legal decision against a former dictator and all of the doors to intervention and justice which could have been opened everywhere. Let’s hope that the Genocide trial goes forth without any more interference and that Hussein’s six former codefendants get what they deserve.
Monday, January 8, 2007
Just an Introduction
I thought I'd start out by introducing myself. My name is Amber Hoskins and I am a freshman at Ball State University. I will be focusing on the situation in Burma, but will also blog about Darfur and other human rights issues. My next blog will focus on the history of the conflict in Burma, as I feel one must understand the history of the conflict before one can fully understand the gravity of the current situation. Here is a sort of overview of what I'll be discussing about Burma: a brief history of the conflict, sexual exploitation, domestic service, forced commercial labor, and Aung San Suu Kyi. Human rights is a very important issue that is, unfortunately, be ignored in mainstream America. It is important to keep up to date on human rights issues and to raise your voice in protest. Do not stay silent.
Two Years Later: Have Promises Materialized in Southern Sudan?
According to UNHCR, the death of Dr. John Garang, a Sudan People’s Liberation Army leader and the newly appointed Vice President of South Sudan in early 2005, did not compromise the peace of the region. Only months before Garang’s death, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed on January 9, 2005, terminating
Meanwhile, according to the Sudan Tribune, as Southern Sudanese approach the two year anniversary of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, they are skeptical of the progress that has been made. Alleged corruption looms, while one third of the budget, according to the Tribune, is unaccounted for. While a main tenet of the war was to loosen the grip of Northern Islamists on the diverse tribes in
Two years later, the people of
If the Government of South Sudan is viewed as reinforcing the economic marginalization of the people, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement will be unable to sustain peace and stability in the region. In just four years, Southerners will vote on whether to secede from
Personal Introduction
Hello everyone. Before I get started on writing my first entry to this blog, I would like to introduce myself. My name is Christopher Tuckwood and I am in my fourth year at the University of Waterloo in Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. Here I am majoring in Medieval Studies with a minor in Jewish Studies. Genocide prevention is something which I’ve been interested in for quite a long time now and I have been active in doing Darfur advocacy for three years now, since I organized my first fundraiser in early 2004. Since then, I have founded a chapter of Students Taking Action Now: Darfur (STAND) Canada on my campus, and also founded and acted as president of the Genocide Action Group at my university, which has over two hundred members. We have been quite active in raising both money and awareness by hosting film showings, guest speakers, conferences, and getting as much attention as possible in our local media, which is the best tool for raising awareness.
Now, I am a proud member of the USHMM Student Genocide Prevention Board (also the sole Canadian member) and will be regularly contributing to this blog. The topics on which I will be writing are varied, but I will mostly be focusing on Darfur and Bosnia, while also contributing to any discussion on the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and other relevant international law. Rwanda is another particular area of interest and “expertise” of mine.
Genocide is the greatest of all evils which human beings commit against each other. It is not a strictly past historical phenomenon, it is not something limited to one part of the world, and it is not something which can be easily ended, particularly due to the apathy of the international community and powerful governments. As Samantha Power has stated, we live in the “Age of Genocide” and the movement to end and prevent it is the premier moral imperative of our time. Ultimately, saving real lives is our first goal. Just trying is never enough and we must constantly seek out the most effective ways to actually accomplish real solutions. Even if success is often elusive or not achieved in the short-term, our efforts do have significance. Those who struggle against the perpetrators of genocide can at least stand up and be counted as refusing to remain silent - as so many others have - in the face of this ultimate evil.
Now, I am a proud member of the USHMM Student Genocide Prevention Board (also the sole Canadian member) and will be regularly contributing to this blog. The topics on which I will be writing are varied, but I will mostly be focusing on Darfur and Bosnia, while also contributing to any discussion on the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and other relevant international law. Rwanda is another particular area of interest and “expertise” of mine.
Genocide is the greatest of all evils which human beings commit against each other. It is not a strictly past historical phenomenon, it is not something limited to one part of the world, and it is not something which can be easily ended, particularly due to the apathy of the international community and powerful governments. As Samantha Power has stated, we live in the “Age of Genocide” and the movement to end and prevent it is the premier moral imperative of our time. Ultimately, saving real lives is our first goal. Just trying is never enough and we must constantly seek out the most effective ways to actually accomplish real solutions. Even if success is often elusive or not achieved in the short-term, our efforts do have significance. Those who struggle against the perpetrators of genocide can at least stand up and be counted as refusing to remain silent - as so many others have - in the face of this ultimate evil.
Friday, January 5, 2007
Chad and the Central African Republic: Darfur's Violent Arms
For the last three years, the genocide occurring in the Darfur region of Sudan has been largely contained within Sudan’s borders. However, in the weeks leading to the close of 2006, the violence is spilling into new regions, and as we begin a new year, both Chad and the Central African Republic are experiencing the grave repercussions of the conflict.
Eastern Chad and the northern region of the Central African Republic (CAR) are now entangled in a web of Rebel groups, government forces, armed militias, and civilians, and the violence appears to be escalating. In Eastern Chad, hundreds of aid workers have been evacuated because of increased hostility between military forces and anti-government groups. Arab militiamen, otherwise known as the Janjaweed, have ventured further into Chad, displacing nearly 100,000 Chadians. Additionally, atrocities committed in the CAR have forced tens of thousands of people from the CAR to take refuge by crossing into Chad seeking protection.
60,000 Darfurians have fled their homes in this month alone, bringing estimates of displacement twell above 2 million people. Leaders in Khartoum deny responsibility both for the internal conflict and the newly burgeoning conflicts with their neighboring countries.
Both Chad and Sudan blame each other for supporting rebel groups. Human rights groups suggest that now the regional governments are using these insurgencies to carry out “a proxy war against each other,” as the director of Human Rights Watch’s Africa division stated in an article for the Christian Science Monitor in December.
As of December first, over 500 aid workers have been relocated from Chad’s eastern cities, some of which serve as networking locations for relief agencies in the region. The consensus of the aid community is that the refugees’ situation has become particularly perilous with the withdrawal of a solid representation of aid workers.
In particular, villages East of Goz Beida, a town 100 miles from the Sudan-Chad border, have been assaulted repeatedly by the Sudanese Janjaweed, sometimes joined by Chadian Arabs. Villagers flee from one village to the next, making make shift camps in rough terrain with little food and sometimes no access to water. There are continued reports of the use of rape as a method of warfare, and men who are forced to leave their camps bring with them weapons for defense. Collecting food or firewood has become a perilous endeavor for Chadians living near the Sudan border.
In a December 29th article in the Economist, it is reported that over 220,000 people in the Central African Republic have been displaced internally or are now refugees seeking protection in Chad, whose internal situation is also deteriorating. The Economist article states that “The Central African Republic is now in a profound state of crisis”.
The Central African Republic has control over its capital city, but there are three armed conflicts occurring throughout the country, where the surrounding areas are controlled by assorted rebel groups, bandits, and warlords, all entangled in the conflict generated from the conflict spreading out from Sudan. Four towns were captured by rebel groups stemming from the Darfur conflict in early December. The CAR requested military support from France and Chad in order to quell the uprisings. France responded with a small aerial attack which allowed the CAR to recover control of the towns at least temporarily.
France is currently seeking international assistance through the implementation of UN security council resolution 1706, which includes a provision establishing a UN force to secure the border between Darfur and the CAR. The International community’s lack of interest or awareness of the situation in the CAR has delayed any agreement about who will finance the effort, which France is currently bearing at an annual cost of 7.9 million US Dollars. France’s mandate is due to expire in June 2007, and it has been essential in recovering the towns previously lost to rebel groups.
The lack of interest in the CAR could result in the country losing centralized control in the coming year, as armed groups continue to import weapons and engage in armed conflict throughout all regions of the country beyond the capital. This would have devastating effects on the entire population, displacing hundreds of thousands and resulting in violence and further escalation of the inter-militia conflicts emanating from Darfur.
-Alexa Woodward is a first year law student at the City University of New York School of Law.
Eastern Chad and the northern region of the Central African Republic (CAR) are now entangled in a web of Rebel groups, government forces, armed militias, and civilians, and the violence appears to be escalating. In Eastern Chad, hundreds of aid workers have been evacuated because of increased hostility between military forces and anti-government groups. Arab militiamen, otherwise known as the Janjaweed, have ventured further into Chad, displacing nearly 100,000 Chadians. Additionally, atrocities committed in the CAR have forced tens of thousands of people from the CAR to take refuge by crossing into Chad seeking protection.
60,000 Darfurians have fled their homes in this month alone, bringing estimates of displacement twell above 2 million people. Leaders in Khartoum deny responsibility both for the internal conflict and the newly burgeoning conflicts with their neighboring countries.
Both Chad and Sudan blame each other for supporting rebel groups. Human rights groups suggest that now the regional governments are using these insurgencies to carry out “a proxy war against each other,” as the director of Human Rights Watch’s Africa division stated in an article for the Christian Science Monitor in December.
As of December first, over 500 aid workers have been relocated from Chad’s eastern cities, some of which serve as networking locations for relief agencies in the region. The consensus of the aid community is that the refugees’ situation has become particularly perilous with the withdrawal of a solid representation of aid workers.
In particular, villages East of Goz Beida, a town 100 miles from the Sudan-Chad border, have been assaulted repeatedly by the Sudanese Janjaweed, sometimes joined by Chadian Arabs. Villagers flee from one village to the next, making make shift camps in rough terrain with little food and sometimes no access to water. There are continued reports of the use of rape as a method of warfare, and men who are forced to leave their camps bring with them weapons for defense. Collecting food or firewood has become a perilous endeavor for Chadians living near the Sudan border.
In a December 29th article in the Economist, it is reported that over 220,000 people in the Central African Republic have been displaced internally or are now refugees seeking protection in Chad, whose internal situation is also deteriorating. The Economist article states that “The Central African Republic is now in a profound state of crisis”.
The Central African Republic has control over its capital city, but there are three armed conflicts occurring throughout the country, where the surrounding areas are controlled by assorted rebel groups, bandits, and warlords, all entangled in the conflict generated from the conflict spreading out from Sudan. Four towns were captured by rebel groups stemming from the Darfur conflict in early December. The CAR requested military support from France and Chad in order to quell the uprisings. France responded with a small aerial attack which allowed the CAR to recover control of the towns at least temporarily.
France is currently seeking international assistance through the implementation of UN security council resolution 1706, which includes a provision establishing a UN force to secure the border between Darfur and the CAR. The International community’s lack of interest or awareness of the situation in the CAR has delayed any agreement about who will finance the effort, which France is currently bearing at an annual cost of 7.9 million US Dollars. France’s mandate is due to expire in June 2007, and it has been essential in recovering the towns previously lost to rebel groups.
The lack of interest in the CAR could result in the country losing centralized control in the coming year, as armed groups continue to import weapons and engage in armed conflict throughout all regions of the country beyond the capital. This would have devastating effects on the entire population, displacing hundreds of thousands and resulting in violence and further escalation of the inter-militia conflicts emanating from Darfur.
-Alexa Woodward is a first year law student at the City University of New York School of Law.
Wednesday, January 3, 2007
Genocide and the International System
Hi everyone,
I'm Scott Moore, originally from Kentucky and currently a junior at Princeton University. Like most people, I see genocide as one of the worst reflections of humanity. But my academic interests in the international system- the nations, people, and institutions that make up our world- have given me another reason to fear the ravages of genocide and ethnic cleansing. These atrocities are the most serious of violations of the norms and rules that the international system relies upon to preserve the global peace. Quite simply, genocides degrade the entire international system. I'll be blogging about a lot of things, but I will be focusing on the effects of genocide and ethnic conflict from a wider international system. I hope I can provoke some useful debate about the harms that genocide inflicts on us all. Thanks,
As 2006 comes to a close, so too does the tenure of Kofi Annan as Secretary-General of the United Nations. He may well be best remembered by history as having faced the strains placed on the international community by the Iraq War and nuclear proliferation. But Mr. Annan should also be remembered for the doctrine that bears his name, asserting the right and responsibility of the international community to intervene when a state fails to respect the human rights of its citizens. The concept of responsibility is worthy of particular emphasis. As the world reels from the division of more recent conflicts, it is easy to forget that less than a decade ago the United States and NATO led an intervention in Serbia to halt ethnic cleansing in the province of Kosovo. The international community bonded together to effect regime in the name of human rights. Underpinning this landmark move was the Annan Doctrine, with its emphasis on the need for the international community to recognize gross human rights violations as a threat to all humanity. Today, as we confront such violations in Darfur, the world would do well to remember the precedent of Kosovo and the Annan Doctrine.
The government of Sudan and the United Nations have recently announced the tentative establishment of a joint UN-African Union force intended to halt the killing in Darfur and other regions of Sudan. While far too late for thousands of the genocide's victims, the announcement represents a renewed international commitment to stopping the violence. What remains to be done is to ensure that the force has the necessary capabilities to provide security and begin rebuilding a nation shattered by war. Here again we meet the responsibility of the international community, especially the United States and the developed nations, to support the peacekeeping effort in Sudan. It is a responsibility that is not without urgency: the suffering of the Sudanese people is long-standing, and the threat of wider conflict in the Horn of Africa looms. Though it seems at times far-removed, conflict in Sudan is part of a tangled web of geopolitical interests that include arms, oil, and the fight against terror. Peace and security in Sudan is a matter of global responsibility.
The suffering of the Sudanese people ought to be reason enough for the United States and others to do their part to stabilize and rebuild Sudan. But it is the effect of this suffering on the international system that offers an equally compelling reason to act. As long as regimes can reasonably expect the international community to shirk its responsibility to hold them to account for the treatment of their people, the threat of genocide and ethnic cleansing remains. This most wretched of stains on the human conscience also threatens the rights and freedoms of people everywhere. Today's interconnected world depends on global systems to provide security and stability. By failing to apply this system in Sudan, the world's governments bring the threat of ethnic violence that much closer to the doorsteps to their own people.
Poor nations will supply the bulk of the manpower for the new peacekeeping force; the United States and other developed nations must be prepared to provide funding, intelligence, logistical support, and political muscle. It is a small contribution that faces down an enormous threat, and a responsibility that is shirked at the peril of all humanity.
I'm Scott Moore, originally from Kentucky and currently a junior at Princeton University. Like most people, I see genocide as one of the worst reflections of humanity. But my academic interests in the international system- the nations, people, and institutions that make up our world- have given me another reason to fear the ravages of genocide and ethnic cleansing. These atrocities are the most serious of violations of the norms and rules that the international system relies upon to preserve the global peace. Quite simply, genocides degrade the entire international system. I'll be blogging about a lot of things, but I will be focusing on the effects of genocide and ethnic conflict from a wider international system. I hope I can provoke some useful debate about the harms that genocide inflicts on us all. Thanks,
As 2006 comes to a close, so too does the tenure of Kofi Annan as Secretary-General of the United Nations. He may well be best remembered by history as having faced the strains placed on the international community by the Iraq War and nuclear proliferation. But Mr. Annan should also be remembered for the doctrine that bears his name, asserting the right and responsibility of the international community to intervene when a state fails to respect the human rights of its citizens. The concept of responsibility is worthy of particular emphasis. As the world reels from the division of more recent conflicts, it is easy to forget that less than a decade ago the United States and NATO led an intervention in Serbia to halt ethnic cleansing in the province of Kosovo. The international community bonded together to effect regime in the name of human rights. Underpinning this landmark move was the Annan Doctrine, with its emphasis on the need for the international community to recognize gross human rights violations as a threat to all humanity. Today, as we confront such violations in Darfur, the world would do well to remember the precedent of Kosovo and the Annan Doctrine.
The government of Sudan and the United Nations have recently announced the tentative establishment of a joint UN-African Union force intended to halt the killing in Darfur and other regions of Sudan. While far too late for thousands of the genocide's victims, the announcement represents a renewed international commitment to stopping the violence. What remains to be done is to ensure that the force has the necessary capabilities to provide security and begin rebuilding a nation shattered by war. Here again we meet the responsibility of the international community, especially the United States and the developed nations, to support the peacekeeping effort in Sudan. It is a responsibility that is not without urgency: the suffering of the Sudanese people is long-standing, and the threat of wider conflict in the Horn of Africa looms. Though it seems at times far-removed, conflict in Sudan is part of a tangled web of geopolitical interests that include arms, oil, and the fight against terror. Peace and security in Sudan is a matter of global responsibility.
The suffering of the Sudanese people ought to be reason enough for the United States and others to do their part to stabilize and rebuild Sudan. But it is the effect of this suffering on the international system that offers an equally compelling reason to act. As long as regimes can reasonably expect the international community to shirk its responsibility to hold them to account for the treatment of their people, the threat of genocide and ethnic cleansing remains. This most wretched of stains on the human conscience also threatens the rights and freedoms of people everywhere. Today's interconnected world depends on global systems to provide security and stability. By failing to apply this system in Sudan, the world's governments bring the threat of ethnic violence that much closer to the doorsteps to their own people.
Poor nations will supply the bulk of the manpower for the new peacekeeping force; the United States and other developed nations must be prepared to provide funding, intelligence, logistical support, and political muscle. It is a small contribution that faces down an enormous threat, and a responsibility that is shirked at the peril of all humanity.
My intro
Hello to everyone browsing around the Net. My name is Geoffrey Bridges and I wanted to take this time to introduce myself. I am a third year at UNC-CH (Go Heels!) majoring in International Studies with a focus on Western Europe and the European Union and I'm minoring in French. Since the spring of my sophomore year I've been very active in my school's Darfur advocacy group SUDAN (Students United for Darfur Awareness Now). From this group I have gained so much more than just knowledge about the worst human crisis the world faces today. I have gained confidence, many friendships, a sense of purpose and drive, and a will to put forth my all to help in an effort that is greater than myself and one which I'm thrilled to see has grown so much as the world has become more aware of the plight of the people in Darfur. However, this reality of growing awareness also reveals a tragic dichotomy: while I no doubt want to see the awareness grow and grow and turn into concrete action I realize that it is coming at the expense of an ever-worsening situation in Darfur. I don't know what the final cost will be in terms of loss of life but we have to truly believe that it will be worth it. Saving even one life that might otherwise have been snuffed out in Darfur makes the cause incredibly worth doing all that we can to stop this genocide. So, these are my initial thoughts as a blogger contributing to this very important subject. In the future, I will be writing about ethnic conflict in Burundi and the limitations of International Law and the Convention on Genocide Prevention.
Monday, January 1, 2007
A Resolution for the New Year
January 1, 2007. The first day of the New Year. It is a time for reflection and thought and a time for promises for the future. What did you do well this past year? How could you improve yourself? How can you do your part to make the world a better place? You may have made a resolution to loose weight, but I hate to break it to you – you’ll have the resolution every year. This year you should take the opportunity to look around you and evaluate your life. Think about your family and your friends and all of the things you have and do that you take for granted. There are people that don’t have these things. And there are people that don’t have these things and are being systematically murdered. In the Darfur region of Sudan
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